The article highlights the situation of child labour using the Census data of Government of India from 1971 to 2011. This study has also utilized the National Sample Survey Organization 68th round data on employment and unemployment of child labour in India. In this study, bivariate and multivariate analysis has been carried out. The chi-square test has been used to study the association between child labour and various socio-economic characteristics. The multiple logistic regression technique has been used to find out the factors affecting child labour. All the analysis has been carried out in SPSS and STATA software. The article has highlighted the growth rate of child labour and its distribution with socio- economic characteristics and work participation rate of child labour in India. Using the logistic regression, the study has projected the estimates of child labour in India. Besides that, the article recommended various suggestions for the abolition and regulation of the incidences of child labour in India.
When there is no confidence in the future of a child in a nation, then surely that nation also has no future. As in Indian society children have always been the subjects of discussion due to less vocal or country’s past or socio–cultural background. Speculation among children is the outlay in the future of a nation, which forms ideas. Childhood is important because their personality is formed in the process of socialization. The origin of child labour lies in a multidimensional complex process of self–sustaining socio–economic retardation. “Child labour” is defined as the employment of children in any physical work. Whether or not work done by children is defined as child labour depends on the child’s age, hours and type of work, and working conditions. But many millions of children work in abusive and unequal conditions that are clearly dangerous to them. India is no exception. According to the report, India ranks among the top countries where the percentage of labour force making up “child labour” is very high. Like others, India too, from its inception as an independent nation, has enacted laws to reform and eliminate all forms of child labour, but the ground reality is still very depressing in nature. Child labour in India is addressed by the Child Labour Act 1986 and the National Child Labour Project. Today there are more than 11.24 million children in India who are spending their childhood in learning, carpet–weaving, beedi–rolling, family labour, agriculture and countless other occupations instead of going to school. Finally, as planning and strategies identify, the research paper identifies policies and attempts have been made to actually address and determine the problem as needed.
The economics literature generally considers income poverty to be the main cause of child labour.However, recent papers have cast doubt on this, showing evidence that greater land wealth leads to higher child labour.Bhalotra and Heady (World Bank Economic Review, 2003) showed that land size has a positive effect on child labour in Ghana and Pakistan.Supporting evidence has also been found in Burkina Faso (Dumas, Oxford Economic Papers, 2007).Land in agrarian societies is considered a source of wealth and thus, this effect is labeled as the wealth paradox.Basu et al., (Journal of Development Economics, 2010) considered labour market imperfections in their theoretical model, and suggested an inverse-U shaped relationship between land size and child labour.It is argued that labour market imperfections are significant enough to hinder the expected negative relationship between household wealth and child labour.This wealth paradox has motivated research studying the impact of household-owned land on child labour in Vietnam, as research on this area in Southeast Asia is scarce.In the context from Vietnam, many papers using data from the 1990s find an association between poverty and child labour.Edmonds (The Journal of Human Resources, 2005) reported that per capita expenditure increases across households that moved out of poverty can explain up to 80% of the decline in child labour.Additionally, increases in rice prices during the 1990s through trade liberalisation caused nearly half of the child labour decline in Vietnam (Edmonds and Pavcnik, Journal of International Economics, 2004).Even though empirical evidence supports the poverty hypothesis for child labour in Vietnam, this paper hypothesizes that the wealth paradox of child labour is present in Vietnam post-1993.Vietnam introduced the 1993 Land Law that redistributed land rights, and subsequently allowed households to own land as assets and stored wealth.Could the
The literature suggests that the household invests in the human capital of a child member not only for altruistic reasons but also as insurance against future income shocks. Hence, the allocation of the child's time between school and work is a function of the risk preference of the household head. This paper estimates the effect of parental risk preference on child labour decisions in the household using recall information on child labour and a risk elicitation question. We address endogeneity issues by applying an instrumental variable estimation technique. We find that risk-averse households are more likely to send their children to work. Further analyses suggest that such outcomes are driven by the need to maximise the household's expected income from the child. Evidence from instrumental variable regressions indicates that the relationship between risk aversion and child labour is causal and that risk aversion induces higher probabilities of children working.
Child labour a great penance to the society. Every nation links its future with the present status of its children. Individual potential productive capabilities of these children are lost as they have to forgo their educational opportunities for the sake of gainful employment in most exploitative conditions out of economic distress. Although a great effort is made by different international organizations to eliminate child labour across the world and many countries have adopted legislation to prohibit child labour; nonetheless child labour is widespread throughout the world. It is not easy task for low income countries to achieve banning child labour because of low family income and lack of educational facilities.
While most research on child labour focus on socio-economic cause of child labour, this study examined legal and institutional bases of child labour in Zambia. This followed recognition of the prevalence of the vice and the adverse effects it had on children. Using a qualitative design, the study interviewed four government officials from the Ministry of Gender and Child Development and Ministry of Labour and Social Securities as well as reviewed relevant literature. Data was analysed using Thematic and Document Analysis. The study found that laws neither agreed on legal definition of a child nor protected children against being economically exploited by family members. Due to the National Child Policy not being backed by a Child Labour Act, implementation of child protection programs was challenging. Key institutions lacked structures at provincial, district and community levels, making coordination of child protection from the grassroots difficult. Influx of participating ministries also led to functional overlaps and confusions. The legal and institutional framework was therefore unable to eliminate child labour.
Abstract Given the conventional wisdom that poverty and associated income shocks are the fundamental causes of child labour, from a policy perspective, there is a perception that social safety net programmes can play a vital role in reducing child labour. While there is extensive evidence that shows the prevalence of child labour is low among beneficiaries of conditional cash transfer programmes, the impact of workfare programs on child labour has been rarely investigated in the economics literature. This paper addresses the issue by evaluating the impact of the public works component of the Productive Safety Net Programme implemented in Ethiopia in 2005. The programme aims to help poor households to build assets and develop resilience to shocks through employment in public projects. Results from child fixed effects estimations show that children in programme beneficiary households are significantly less likely than their counterparts in non‐beneficiary households to be involved in child labour. The findings suggest that, if well targeted, even safety net programmes that do not primarily target child outcomes can be useful in addressing child labour problems.
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is any process that injures or removes part or all of the external female genital organs for non-medical reasons. FGM is a growing public health concern in the UK because of an increase in migration from countries where it is widely practised. Education on FGM for nurses is key to supporting women who have undergone the practice, as well as safeguarding girls and women who are at risk. Nurses must understand the history and culture of FGM as well as the long-term health complications to be able to support affected women both professionally and sensitively.
Over 513,000 girls and women in the United States are at risk or are victims of female genital mutilation/cutting.1 Female genital mutilation/cutting is defined as partial or complete excision of external genitalia or injury to the genital organs for nonmedical reasons.2 A scoping review of surgical interventions for female genital mutilation/cutting–related morbidity confirmed that the majority of female genital mutilation/cutting care is delivered by obstetrics and gynecology providers.3 However, procedures such as clitoral reconstruction, scar excision, neuroma treatment, and functional and aesthetic reconstruction fall within the scope and expertise of plastic surgeons.4 To assess familiarity with female genital mutilation/cutting, a 33-question survey was deployed to 3628 members of the American Society of Plastic Surgeons. Three-hundred sixty-three members responded (10 percent response rate). Most respondents were cis male (n = 224, 61.7 percent), White (n = 280, 77.1 percent), and born in the United States (n = 300, 82.6 percent). Respondents consisted of 217 attending physicians (59.8 percent) and 123 trainees (33.8 percent). Respondents were similar to nonresponders and the general American Society of Plastic Surgeons membership. A similar survey was deployed to 5000 obstetrics and gynecology physicians through the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, with a 9.8 percent response rate (n = 491). Eighty percent of plastic surgery respondents (n = 285) reported no prior education or training on female genital mutilation/cutting, 84.5 percent were unfamiliar with the World Health Organization classification system of female genital mutilation/cutting, and 88.4 percent were uncertain of existing clinical management guidelines at hospital, national, or international levels (Table 1). Female genital mutilation/cutting has been formally banned in the United States since 1996; yet, 19 states do not currently have legislation in place criminalizing female genital mutilation/cutting.5 The most commonly selected location of where female genital mutilation/cutting is practiced was Africa (n = 324, 89.3 percent); it can be practiced in any country where communities from endemic areas are living.6 Respondents believed cultural tradition (n = 284, 78.2 percent), control of women’s sexuality (n = 258, 71.1 percent), and religion (n = 250, 68.9 percent) were reasons why it is performed. All listed immediate and chronic physical risks were selected at similar frequency. Most respondents (n = 196, 54.0 percent) indicated that female genital mutilation/cutting can occur repeatedly through a woman’s childhood and adult life; while it is usually performed before age 15, it can be performed at any age.7 Table 1. - Knowledge and Training Related to Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting According to Plastic Surgery Respondents Survey Item Response All Respondents Total no. of respondents 363 Have you received any kind of education or training on FGM/C? Yes 62 (17.3) No 285 (79.6) Uncertain 11 (3.1) Are you familiar with the WHO classification system for FGM/C (types I, II, III, IV)? Yes 29 (8.5) No 289 (84.8) Uncertain 23 (6.7) Where is FGM/C practiced? Africa 324 (89.3) Europe 125 (34.4) Asia 188 (51.8) Australia/Oceania 88 (24.2) North America 112 (30.9) South America 103 (28.4) Why is FGM/C performed? Religious reasons 250 (68.9) To control women’s sexuality 258 (71.1) To ensure virginity before marriage and fidelity in marriage 168 (46.3) Hygiene 39 (10.7) Cultural tradition 284 (78.2) Punishment 111 (30.6) Uncertain 46 (12.7) Immediate physical risks associated with FGM/C include: Hemorrhage 300 (82.6) Hemorrhagic, neurogenic, or septic shock 280 (77.1) Genital and reproductive tract infections 313 (86.2) Urinary tract infections 290 (79.9) Acute urinary retention 251 (69.1) Dysuria 269 (74.1) Damage to urethra 306 (84.3) Death 251 (69.1) Other 11 (3.0) Long-term risks associated with FGM/C include: Chronic wounds 292 (80.4) Chronic vulvar and clitoral pain 317 (87.3) Sexual dysfunction 323 (89.0) Urethral fistulas and strictures 307 (84.6) Recurrent UTIs 287 (79.1) Complicated deliveries: cesarean delivery, postpartum hemorrhage, episiotomy, labor dystocia, obstetrical tears/lacerations, extended maternal hospital stay, infant resuscitation at delivery 284 (78.2) Mental illness: depression, PTSD, anxiety 312 (86.0) Other 3 (0.8) FGM/C can occur: Once in childhood 112 (30.9) Several times in childhood 73 (20.1) Repeatedly throughout a woman’s childhood and adult life 196 (54.0) Uncertain 96 (26.4) Are you aware of any existing guidelines regarding clinical management and/or legal requirements for FGM/C at the following levels? In the hospital(s) where I practice 2 (0.6) At the national level 9 (2.5) At the international level 16 (4.4) Uncertain 321 (88.4) Are you interested in knowing more about FGM/C? Yes 192 (59.3) No 68 (21.0) Uncertain 64 (19.8) What form of education or training would you find helpful on this topic? Assigned reading 8 (2.5) Guest speaker who has FGM/C or is expert in FGM/C 72 (22.8) I would not find any form of education or training helpful on this topic 34 (10.8) Lecture 37 (11.7) Lecture series 26 (8.2) Online modules 102 (32.3) Other (please describe) 6 (1.9) Self-directed learning 31 (9.8) FGM/C, female genital mutilation/cutting; WHO, World Health Organization; UTIs, urinary tract infections; PTSD, posttraumatic stress disorder. Two-hundred ninety-one respondents (87.7 percent) had never treated a patient with female genital mutilation/cutting. A large majority (81.5 percent) believed that plastic surgeons have a role in female genital mutilation/cutting care, and 56.2 percent believed they have a role in advocacy for laws to prevent the practice. Nearly 60 percent were interested in learning more. Obstetrics and gynecology physicians were significantly more likely than plastic surgeons to have received female genital mutilation/cutting education [n = 204 (41.6 percent) versus n = 62 (17.3 percent), p < 0.001], be familiar with female genital mutilation/cutting classification [n = 181 (36.9 percent) versus n = 29 (8.5 percent), p < 0.001], and have had encounters with female genital mutilation/cutting patients [n = 114 (23.4 percent) versus n = 256 (79.0 percent), p < 0.001 for no encounter]. Our results highlight an important knowledge gap of the epidemiology and practice of female genital mutilation/cutting, screening and diagnosis, and pertinent regulations. Online learning platforms, such as the American Society of Plastic Surgeons Education Network and virtual grand rounds, were the preferred methods for learning about this topic. Plastic surgeons possess the technical expertise to treat the diverse, chronic sequelae of female genital mutilation/cutting. There are opportunities for multidisciplinary collaboration and referral clinics, particularly with obstetrics and gynecology colleagues. With increased awareness and education, we can improve the quality of life for women and girls living with female genital mutilation/cutting. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to acknowledge Christopher Simmons, an analyst from the American Society of Plastic Surgeons, for his assistance with deploying the survey. DISCLOSURE The authors have no significant conflicts of interest or financial interests in relation to the content of this article. The Buehler Center for Health Policy and Economics in Northwestern’s Feinberg School of Medicine funded this study in part. Dr. Chappell performed this research during a funded research year sponsored by the Institute for Global Health at Northwestern University.
BACKGROUND: Female genital mutilation (FGM) is prevalent in communities of migration. Given the harmful effects of the practice and its illegal status in many countries, there have been concerted primary, secondary and tertiary prevention efforts to protect girls from FGM. However, there is paucity of evidence concerning useful strategies and approaches to prevent FGM and improve the health and social outcomes of affected women and girls. METHODS: We analysed peer-reviewed and grey literature to extract the evidence for FGM prevention interventions from a public health perspective in high income countries by a systematic search of bibliographic databases and websites using appropriate keywords. Identified publications were screened against selection criteria, following the PRISMA guidelines. We examined the characteristics of prevention interventions, including their programmatic approaches and strategies, target audiences and evaluation findings using an apriori template. FINDINGS: Eleven documents included in this review described primary and secondary prevention activities. High income countries have given attention to legislative action, bureaucratic interventions to address social injustice and protect those at risk of FGM, alongside prevention activities that favour health persuasion, foster engagement with the local community through outreach and the involvement of community champions, healthcare professional training and capacity strengthening. Study types are largely process evaluations that include measures of short-term outcomes (pre- and post-changes in attitude, knowledge and confidence or audits of practices). There is a dearth of evaluative research focused on empowerment-oriented preventative activities that involve individual women and girls who are affected by FGM. Beattie's framework provides a useful way of articulating negotiated and authoritative prevention actions required to address FGM at national and local levels. CONCLUSION: FGM is a complex and deeply rooted sociocultural issue that requires a multifaceted response that encompasses socio-economic, physical and environmental factors, education and learning, health services and facilities, and community mobilisation activities. Investment in the rigorous longitudinal evaluation of FGM health prevention efforts are needed to provide strong evidence of impact to guide future decision making. A national evidence-based framework would bring logic, clarity, comprehension, evidence and economically more effective response for current and future prevention interventions addressing FGM in high income countries.
Carolyne Njue, Jamlick Karumbi, Tammary C. Esho et al.
