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We wish to commend Bradley and coauthors for their timely and insightful commentary on the critical issue of intimate partner violence in the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic, and practical ways for health care providers to identify and support victims.[1][1] In this discussion of
Kristopher T. Kang, Nita Jain
BACKGROUND: Despite their right to protection, children in refugee settings face various forms of violence, including physical, sexual, and emotional violence. OBJECTIVE: This study examined the factors associated with childhood violence (before turning 18) in refugee settings of Ethiopia, guided by the socioecological framework. METHODS: The study used data from the 2024 Ethiopia Humanitarian Violence Against Children and Youth Survey (HVACS). This cross-sectional survey included females and males aged 13-24 years. We estimated a mixed-effects regression model to examine the correlates associated with experiencing violence in childhood in the refugee camps by taking into account camp-level clustering. RESULTS: The study involved a total of 3473 respondents (1937 females and 1536 males) and revealed that about one in three (33.3%; 95% CI: 27.5, 39.6) had experienced childhood violence; the highest proportion 29.1% [23.1,35.9] reported experiencing physical violence, followed by emotional violence (12.4% [8.5,17.8]) and sexual violence (6.6% [5.3,8.1]). Correlates of experiencing childhood violence included being an orphan, having any form of disability, witnessing intimate partner violence against women, and having family members who were killed or died unnaturally. In contrast, households headed by women and children living in families with two or more rooms, had a lower likelihood of experiencing childhood violence. At the community level, witnessing violent attacks in the village was associated with a higher likelihood of experiencing childhood violence. CONCLUSIONS: Childhood violence is prevalent in refugee settings in Ethiopia and is associated with factors occurring at multiple levels, suggesting for individual-, household-, and community - level prevention and response strategies.
Yadeta Dessie, Bonnie Wandera, George Odwe et al.
BACKGROUND: Children with disabilities face heightened violence risks, particularly in resource-limited settings. Despite global evidence, data on violence against children with disabilities in rural Upper Egypt remain scarce. This study aimed to determine the prevalence, types, and family-related risk factors of violence against children with disabilities in this region. METHODS: A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted (December 2023-March 2024) in two rural Upper Egypt villages. Using a multistage random sampling, 213 young adults (aged 18-24 years) with disabilities were included. Data were collected using validated structured interviews (ISPCAN tool) and focus group discussions. RESULTS: The sample comprised 54% males and 46% females. Around 50% primarily had intellectual, and 33.8% had physical disabilities. Emotional violence was nearly universal (93.1 in males, 100% in females), followed by physical (73.6-78.6%) and sexual violence (21.1-26.4%). Females experienced higher violence rates (50% vs. 9.6% males, p < 0.001). Parental drug abuse (22.6% males vs. 10.2% females, p = 0.02) and low socioeconomic status (59.1% vs. 43.9%, p = 0.03) were significant risk factors. Intellectual disabilities correlated with elevated sexual violence Perpetrators included parents (35.4-41.8%) and unrelated individuals (44.3-60%). CONCLUSIONS: Systemic violence against children with disabilities in rural Upper Egypt was pervasive, driven by poverty, low parental education, and gender disparities. Interventions must address familial and community-level factors, including economic support, parental education, and stricter enforcement of child protection laws.
Wafaa Abdel-Ghaffar Ali, Ahmed M. Gad-Allah, Seham Abokresha et al.
The seriousness of the Government in preventing sexual violence against children can be seen from the formation of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 35 of 2014 concerning child protection. Prevention of sexual violence against children needs to get more attention through collaboration carried out by stakeholders. Many cases are not reported because the victims are helpless and ashamed. Currently, prevention of sexual violence is only focused on rehabilitation, and not focused on the initial stages of prevention. This requires collaboration between actors to be able to build commitment and trust in carrying out prevention. The purpose of this study is to describe collaborative governance in preventing sexual violence against children in Islamic boarding schools in Rian Province. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method with data collection methods through stages of observation, interviews, and documentation. The research sample consisted of 30 people. The existing data is grouped, analyzed and summarized the findings. The results of this study are that collaboration between stakeholders is quite good, this can be seen from the full awareness of stakeholders to be able to synergize in preventing sexual violence in Islamic boarding schools. The Pekanbaru City Women's Empowerment, Child Protection and Community Empowerment Service provides educational information and socialization to the community so that children do not become perpetrators and victims of sexual violence. The formation of the PPKS task force is the beginning of the process of preventing sexual violence in Islamic boarding schools.
Mustiqowati Ummul Fithriyyah, Cahaya Makbul, Monalisa Monalisa
The government stipulates Law Number 35 of 2014, which amends Law Number 23 of 2002 concerning Child Protection. This legislation explicitly delineates that children represent the successors of the nation's generation and must be afforded protection from all forms of violence and discrimination. The established regulations serve as an appropriate legal foundation for the provision of protection for children. This counseling activity is conducted to educate the community as a proactive measure to prevent and address crimes or criminal acts. The proliferation of counseling initiatives undertaken by law enforcement agencies and local governmental bodies is anticipated to enhance public comprehension regarding the importance of preventive measures against criminal activities, particularly those involving violence directed at children. This activity is conducted in three stages, specifically: Focus Group Discussion (FGD), the dissemination of child violence law policies, and the establishment of a collective commitment to encourage the community to adhere to the law. The findings of the community service indicated that insufficient parental supervision and a lack of awareness among children regarding problem-solving through deliberation have contributed to the emergence of numerous groups of children. In the interim, initiatives undertaken in partnership with law enforcement to address crimes against children in Bone Regency encompass: guidance, peace efforts, counseling, and patrols. Educating families regarding the significance of supervising their children is essential to prevent their offspring from becoming either victims or perpetrators of criminal activities. Delivering continuous legal education in light of the significant role that society plays in the prevention of crime, particularly violent offenses against children.
Rika Damayanti, Suriyati Suriyati, Gustika Sandra et al.
South Africa is experiencing a scourge of violence against women and children, with alarming levels of violence, and as such, juvenile cases are sometimes encountered in a forensic anthropological setting. The aim of this research was to assess the cases of juveniles (under 20 years) presenting at the Human Variation and Identification Research Unit (HVIRU) for a 6-year period (2016-2022), in order to assess patterns and types of cases referred. A total of 19 cases were assessed, of which 10 were 16-20 years old, 3 between the ages of 5 and 15 years and 6 less than 5 years old at the time of death. Of the 14 children with known sex, 12 were female with features suggesting that they fell prey to sexual violence. Many of the individuals were either known (and referred for trauma analysis) or identified following investigation. Of the 19 juveniles, 11 (58 %) had evidence of perimortem trauma (sharp and/or blunt), attesting to the violent nature of their deaths. Two cases had both sharp and blunt force trauma, of which one is a possible case of dismemberment. The remains of two individuals showed signs of perimortem burning, which may or may not be related to the cause of death. Three individuals had signs of antemortem (healed) trauma, which may suggest a longer period of abuse. Five of the individuals showed signs of disease - two had cribra orbitalia, while two others had various porous lesions indicative of chronic disease or malnutrition. One individual had advanced osteomyelitis, suggesting a natural cause of death. Some of these cases had unusual trauma and pathology, highlighting the contribution of forensic anthropologists.
Maryna Steyn, Desiré M. Brits, Deona Botha et al.
Violence Against Children (VAC) is a growing public health and social development problem recognized globally and specifically in Uganda. The general research objective of this study was to examine how the community formal and non-formal systems and practices are functioning to prevent and respond to Violence against Children in Uganda, based on the lived experiences and perceptions of children. The study adapted a Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology of social inquiry that produced unique, in-depth, multi- faceted investigation of the phenomena and allowed for knowledge integration and personal understanding of individuals and society. The study focused on a general epistemology of the lived experiences of children, most especially girls, that allowed us to learn more about the inward and outward consciousness of children based on memory, image and meaning in understanding children’s perceptions in preventing and responding to violence. The study was conducted in Nabukalu community, Bugiri District in Eastern Uganda. A total of 140 respondents who included children ages 12 to17 years of age and adults (protection committees, civil society agencies engaged in child protection work and local government authorities) participated in the study. Findings indicate that the forms of violence that were predominant in this community include: child marriages, child labour; sexual abuse, defilement, child neglect and child sacrifice/murder for ritual purposes. While girls were found to be at more risk of defilement and child marriages, boys were more at risk of child labour and corporal punishment. Children cited the lack of basic needs such as sanitary pads for girls, food, shoes, clothing, books and decent school uniform as a predisposing factor to sexual abuse, because such needs compelled the girls to accept gifts from potential abusers. Overall, the common impacts of violence against children cutting across different ages and sexes were: emotional distress, poor performance in school, dropping out of school, injury, unwanted teenage pregnancy and child marriages. The most common risk factors identified by the children include: harmful social norms and practices (especially towards girls), domestic violence, lack of parenting and communication skills, leading to poor parenting; household poverty, leading to failure to provide basic necessities for children; child neglect and peer influence. The leading protective factors mentioned by both children and adults include presence of the Child Protection Committee (CPC), positive parenting, positive social norms and beliefs, presence of religious institutions, access to education and children’s self-protection. A majority of the children knew where to report in case of violations of their protection rights but were not satisfied with quality of services they were receiving. There is strong collaboration and coordination of child protection efforts in the community through the child protection committee, but lack of capacities and resources undermined the committees’ efforts. I recommended that capacities and interventions that will lead to positive parenting, transforming social norms, life skills for children and economic empowerment for families, among others, be strengthened to ensure that children are protected and thrive in a safe and secure environment in order for them to fulfil their rights. I contend that to achieve meaningful and sustainable outcomes to violence reduction, agencies will need to adapt integrated and comprehensive interventions in a single community based on a social ecological model as opposed to isolated and stand-alone interventions scattered in many communities with limited or no sustainable outcomes. Key words: Violence against children, Child protection, Risk factors, Protective factors, abuse, Child protection system, referral
Richard Wamimbi
Center for Social Welfare Education and Training (BBPPKS) of Padang City in handling victims of sexual violence against children, The method used in the research is qualitative research with a descriptive type, according to Bogdan and Taylor, qualitative research methods are research procedures that produce descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people and observed behavior, The role of the Center for Social Welfare Education and Training (BBPPKS) of Padang City in Handling Victims of Sexual Violence Against Children, it can be concluded as a role as a facilitator related to the role of BBPPKS Padang City in providing motivation to victims.
Waza
Background : Violence against children is a global public health crisis and is associated with poor mental and physical health outcomes. Childhood violence may also increase the risk of subsequent violence revictimization by an intimate partner. We aimed to understand cycles of violence among adolescent girls and young women in Namibia to inform violence prevention and treatment interventions. Methods : The 2019 Namibia Violence Against Children and Youth Survey (VACS) examined the prevalence of childhood violence and intimate partner violence among 18–24 year old adolescent girls and young women ( N = 2434). Using the data, we assessed the prevalence of childhood violence, defined as any physical, sexual, or emotional violence victimization prior to age 18, and estimated the prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) after age 18. We used a weighted logistic regression to assess whether childhood violence exposure was associated with subsequent experience of IPV after age 18. Results : Adolescent girls and young women in Namibia had a statistically significant higher odds of experiencing IPV if they had experienced any childhood violence including physical, sexual, and/or emotional violence (adjusted odds ratio [aOR]: 2.93; 95% Confidence Interval [95% CI: 1.64–5.23). IPV was also significantly associated with childhood physical (aOR: 1.81; 95% CI: 1.07–3.05), sexual (aOR: 3.79; 95% CI: 2.54–5.67), or emotional (aOR: 2.39; 95% CI: 1.18–4.86) violence when each were considered separately. We also observed a dose-response relationship between the number of types of childhood violence and IPV experience as a young adult. Conclusions : Childhood violence is a significant predictor of subsequent violence revictimization by an intimate partner. This analysis provides unique insights on cycles of violence among adolescent girls and young women in Namibia and points to the need for interventions during childhood to prevent violence against children and break this cycle among young women in sub-Saharan Africa.
Jennifer Velloza, Luke D. Davies, Alison L. Ensminger et al.
These incidents are closely linked to family violence and violence against women, affecting about one third of women around the world. 6 Natural disasters and external stressors escalate the risk. 7,8 However, a third, hidden but deadly scourge-the crisis in the family courts-is as much an aftereffect as well as an exacerbator. Victims of violence may seek remedies through social services, including the family court system. 9,10 In many countries, divorce, separation, and child custody issues are dealt with in family courts, with practices that deviate vastly from civil or criminal courts. However, this deviation, originally intended for the protection of children, has instead led to deadly results.Indeed, family courts have become a place where too many vulnerable children go to die. A nonprofit organization has tracked 990 child murders by a separating parent since 2008 in the United States. 11 At the height of the pandemic, between the years of 2020 and 2022, child murders by separating parent increased by 47.8%. 11 An astonishing fact is that, instead of protecting these children, family court judges' decisions have facilitated the murders. 11 A closer look at 175 child murders by fathers showed that, in many cases, the judges had ordered the conditions that allowed for the murders, often over the mother's objections. 12 An even greater number of suicides occur for every murder, 13 and hundreds of injuries are medically treated for every death. 14 And the actual numbers are likely much higher, as routine concealment of records, often against the litigants themselves, has made tracking actual numbers of child murders in the family courts virtually impossible.How does this happen? In the U.S., family court judges have almost unlimited discretion, including the ability to seal records, without oversight or accountability. A net result is that those with few rights, notably children, are violated in ways that multiply their harm. A vast majority of the approximately 100,000 contested child custody cases per year are family violence cases. Abusive fathers disproportionately seek sole custody in these cases, in contrast to trends outside family court, and family courts grant it almost 75% of the time. 15 In the United Kingdom, the first country to compel the opening of family courts to reporters, found that even convicted child rapists were sometimes granted custody. 16 In the United States, fathers who murder the mother of his children face almost no barrier to obtaining custody (family courts are disconnected from criminal courts, and the murderer's parents may be given temporary custody, until the father is out of prison). 17 As a result of these reverse practices of the family courts, violent perpetrators may seek custody of their children as a favorable way to regain respectability in society or to exculpate themselves of their crimes-often without having to change behavior.Predictably, violent fathers who are granted custody often go on to abuse and murder their children at alarming rates. The United Kingdom has forced family courts to open precisely for such research, but they have still found resistance. Deaths are the extreme end, but other harms occur as well. For example, more than 58,000 children a year are ordered into their physical or sexual abuser's unsupervised custody following divorce in the United States. 18 These children are likely to suffer "soul murder," 19 or the psychological "death" that results from abuse. Consequences are lifelong psychological and physical problems and decades of loss of life. 20 The estimated economic loss in healthcare, child welfare, criminal justice, special education, productivity losses, among other costs, was estimated at $592 billion for 2018. 21 This is also an problem, as almost 1 in 3 abused and neglected children become abusers themselves. 22 During the COVID-19 pandemic, the monitoring and reporting of child maltreatment was even more hampered at a time of heightened need. 23 In family courts, the "protective parent," or the parent attempting to safeguard the child from abuse, often loses custody simply for alleging abuse-or, sometimes, when the children allege the abuse. Studies now show that, in addition to child deaths, protective parents, usually mothers, also disproportionately die. 24 The pseudo-rationaleThe source of these deaths is the regular family court practice of denying abuse, prolonging cases for years, and requiring the parents to pay for multiple court appointees. 25 The revenue for doing so is estimated to be between $50 and 175 billion per year in the United States alone. 26 In other words, there is great financial incentive for placing children in situations of greater danger, and families in greater crisis.The pseudo-rationales designed to promote this result is "parental alienation," a notion that any allegation of abuse is a fabrication to "alienate" the other parent from the child, and any rejection on the part of the child is a result of "coaching". This pseudo-theory is intended to punish and "turn the tables" against the victim, so as to discourage reporting of abuse. Multiple reputable scientific associations-including the United Nations (UN) 27 -have denounced the unscientific "pseudo-concept," but it continues to be used almost ubiquitously in family court. It enables the courts to exculpate the perpetrators in ways that they not only escape prosecution but can gain full custody, collect "child support," demand legal fees, and even punish their victims with incarceration if they cannot pay (which occurs at staggering levels without due process or the possibility of bail).The pseudo-concept of "parental alienation" contradicts all scientific, medical, and developmental research. It also enables severe and lasting childhood trauma through isolation with their abusers while separated from their primary supports 28 . Indeed, research shows that while the deliberate false reporting is rare (e.g., 0.1% in one study 29 ), the abuse of children is not. In fact, it is greatly underreported, a problem that only exacerbated during the pandemic. 30 A national study of 4,388 custody cases showed that mothers reporting abuse-especially child sexual abuse-were losing custody at alarming rates, sometimes to convicted sex offenders. 31 A nationwide study found that family court custody decisions were overwhelmingly more wrong than right. 32 Yet, an "abuse industry" has arisen around these wrong decisions, with its own group of lawyers, guardians ad litem, and poorly-trained "experts". Not only do abusers control the money most of the time, but they are also willing to pay anything to avoid prosecution, while protective parents are willing to give up their savings to save their children's lives. Hence, in a manner akin the "kids for cash" scandal, 33 family courts are commodifying children and taking them from their stable homes and protective, primary caregivers, no matter the harm. This practice, unfortunately, has been exported worldwide. A special issue in 2020 first demonstrated the misuse of "parental alienation" in eight countries. 34 Then, a number of international bodies began urging governments to consider testimonies of "parental alienation" as a "continuation of power and control" by abusive fathers. 35 A European Parliament resolution soon "call[ed] on the Member States not to recognise parental alienation syndrome in their judicial practice and law." 36 And a United Nations report found widespread family court practices of punishing mothers and children who brought forward credible allegations of abuse. 37 Family courts are an unchecked, domestic abusers' instrument to further abuse. Children are the greatest casualties, who not only lose the opportunity to develop their potential, but for some, they become the next generation of substance users, rapists, and murderers, if they survive at all. Judicial abuses have accelerated as well as have received greater attention during the COVID-19 era, but attempts at reform, including legislative changes, have been marginally successful at best. Efforts at educating the judges have been futile, in the absence of motivation. Therefore, a culture of deadly abuse of the most vulnerable members of society calls for a moratorium on family courts in child custody decisions, especially under the current structure of absolute judicial immunity, total secrecy, and lack of any accountability with enormous financial incentives, in order to prevent the devouring of children by the very institutions intended to protect them. Child welfare matters should be handled outside of courts where possible, and the rest be dealt with in civil courts that have juries, are accountable to the Law, and are beholden to rules of procedure-to better preserve lives and prevent exploitation.
Bandy X. Lee, Grace Lee
