OBJECTIVE: To describe the prevalence of recent physical, sexual, and emotional violence against children 0 - 19 years of age in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) by age, sex, and perpetrator. METHODS: A systematic review and analysis of published literature and large international datasets was conducted. Eligible sources from first record to December 2015 contained age-, sex-, and perpetrator-specific data from LAC. Random effects meta-regressions were performed, adjusting for relevant quality covariates and differences in violence definitions. RESULTS: Seventy-two surveys (2 publications and 70 datasets) met inclusion criteria, representing 1 449 estimates from 34 countries. Prevalence of physical and emotional violence by caregivers ranged from 30% - 60%, and decreased with increasing age. Prevalence of physical violence by students (17% - 61%) declined with age, while emotional violence remained constant (60% - 92%). Prevalence of physical intimate partner violence (IPV) ranged from 13% - 18% for girls aged 15 - 19 years. Few or no eligible past-year estimates were available for any violence against children less than 9 years and boys 16 - 19 years of age; sexual violence against boys (any age) and girls (under 15 years); IPV except for girls aged 15 - 19 years; and violence by authority figures (e.g., teachers) or via gangs/organized crime. CONCLUSION: Past-year physical and emotional violence by caregivers and students is widespread in LAC across all ages in childhood, as is IPV against girls aged 15 - 19 years. Data collection must be expanded in LAC to monitor progress towards the sustainable development goals, develop effective prevention and response strategies, and shed light on violence relating to organized crime/gangs.
Karen M. Devries, Katherine G. Merrill, Louise Knight et al.
OBJECTIVE: To identify policies and programs adopted by a Brazilian municipality to address violence against children during the COVID-19 pandemic. METHOD: A qualitative documentary study. The study setting was the municipality of Ananindeua, Pará, Brazil. Data was collected from official websites between November 2021 and February 2022. Thematic content analysis was used with the support of webQDA software. RESULTS: Three empirical categories emerged: a) Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on violence against children; b) Action strategies for tackling violence against children in the COVID-19 pandemic; c) Evaluation indicators and targets for action strategies for tackling violence against children. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS: The documents revealed few direct mentions of children, especially traditional populations; they presented superficial and ineffective evaluations of the policies and programs adopted, using exclusively quantitative indicators.
Ana Tereza Torquato de Morais Navarro, Lucimara Fabiana Fornari, Emiko Yoshikawa Egry et al.
Experiencing food insecurity in early childhood is associated with adverse health and nutrition outcomes. About 66% of Brazilian households with children are food insecure; however, interventions targeting early childhood have fallen short in addressing food insecurity due to a lack of funding and multisectoral coordination combined with the COVID-19 pandemic. Therefore, protecting children from food insecurity is a complex task in Brazil and requires innovative approaches. We hypothesize that applying a Nurturing Care Framework (NCF) lens and systems thinking tools can indicate pragmatic pathways to reduce early childhood food insecurity. To examine this hypothesis, we used a participatory group model-building approach to integrate the knowledge of twelve Brazilian experts working in different sectors into a qualitative causal loop diagram (CLD) underlying the dynamics of food insecurity in early childhood. By analyzing the CLD, we aimed (1) to assess whether the Brazilian food insecurity system includes the NCF components and identify how these systems affect young children, and (2) to qualitatively explore feedback loops, pivotal variables (i.e., variables with the most immediate causes and/or immediate causal consequences), and leverage points (i.e., specific variables to intervene to produce a change in the overall system) to reduce food insecurity in early childhood. The integrated CLD outlines a structure with 28 variables assigned across the NCF components. A deeper qualitative analysis of the direct and indirect links identified how food insecurity is experienced by young children. This included a description of two feedback loops reinforcing childhood food insecurity, such as Financial Hardships and Emotional Distress Spiral. Food quality emerged as the pivotal variable with the most proximate causes and/or consequences related to early childhood food insecurity. Positive parenting practices and participation in daycare emerged as direct links to address early childhood food insecurity. Expanding access to nurturing care through national and local policies can enhance the resilience of the systems underlying early childhood food insecurity to disruptions such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
Gabriela Buccini, Krystyna Anne Stave, Katherine E. Marçal et al.
OBJECTIVE: To describe the potentialities and limits in confronting situations of violence against children and adolescents seen from the perspective of Guardianship Counselors. METHOD: Qualitative research, developed with 18 Guardianship Counselors from two municipalities in the central region of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Data were generated between June and July 2021, using the focus group technique, and were subjected to thematic content analysis. RESULTS: The following were identified as potentialities for combating violence against children and adolescents: denunciations; networking; and media coverage. As limits, we have: naturalization of violence; pandemic of the Covid-19; de-structuring of the intersectoral network; lack of training; and difficulty in developing preventive actions. CONCLUSION: The Guardianship Councilors require training to act in cases of violence against children and adolescents, as well as support from other sectors, such as health, education, public safety, and social assistance, in order to fully attend to these cases.
Aline Cammarano Ribeiro, Fernanda Ilha Pedroso, Jaqueline Arboit et al.
BACKGROUND: Intimate partner violence against women (IPV) and violence against children (VAC) are both global epidemics with long-term health consequences. The vast majority of research to date focuses on either IPV or VAC, however the intersections between these types of violence are a growing area of global attention. A significant need exists for empirical research on the overlap of IPV and VAC, especially in contexts with particularly high rates of both types of violence. METHODS: This exploratory study includes secondary analysis of data from a cluster randomized controlled trial in Ugandan schools. Using baseline reports from a random sample of early adolescents attending school and their caregivers, this study uses a probability sample across all eligible schools of adolescent-caregiver dyads (n = 535). We categorized adolescent-caregiver dyads into four groups: those reporting VAC 'only', IPV 'only', both VAC and IPV, or 'no violence'. Two separate multinomial logistic regression models for male and female caregivers explored adolescent and caregiver characteristics associated with the VAC 'only', the IPV 'only', or the both VAC and IPV dyads, each compared to the 'no violence' dyad. RESULTS: One third of dyads reported both IPV and VAC and nearly 75% of dyads reported VAC or IPV. Dyads reporting IPV were more likely to also report VAC. Common contributing factors for female caregiver-adolescent dyads with both VAC and IPV include lower SES, less caregiver education, higher caregiver mental distress, more frequent caregiver alcohol use, and caregivers who report less emotional attachment to their intimate partner. Male caregiver-adolescent dyads with both VAC and IPV included caregivers with less emotional attachment to their intimate partner and more attitudes accepting VAC. CONCLUSIONS: Findings reveal a significant overlap of IPV and VAC and the importance for violence prevention and response programming to consider coordinated or integrated programming. Unique results for female and male caregivers highlight the importance of a gendered approach to addressing IPV and VAC intersections. TRIAL REGISTRATION: The trial was registered at clinicaltrials.gov, NCT01678846, on September 5, 2012.
Catherine Carlson, Sophie Namy, Andrea Norcini Pala et al.
Introduction: The Nurturing Care Framework (NCF) describes "nurturing care" as the ability of nations and communities to support caregivers and provide an environment that ensures children's good health and nutrition, protects them from threats, and provides opportunities for early learning through responsive and emotionally supportive interaction. We assessed the extent to which Kenyan government policies address the components of the NCF and explored policy/decision makers' views on policy gaps and emerging issues. Methods: A search strategy was formulated to identify policy documents focusing on early childhood development (ECD), health and nutrition, responsive caregiving, opportunities for early learning and security and safety, which are key components of the NCF. We limited the search to policy documents published since 2010 when the Kenya constitution was promulgated and ECD functions devolved to county governments. Policy/decision-maker interviews were also conducted to clarify emerging gaps from policy data. Data was extracted, coded and analyzed based on the components of the NCF. Framework analysis was used for interview data with NCF being the main framework of analysis. The Jaccard's similarity coefficient was used to assess similarities between the themes being compared to further understand the challenges, successes and future plans of policy and implementation under each of the NCF domains. Results: = 66 were included in final analysis. The 66 documents included 47 County Integrated Development Plans (CIDPs) and 19 national policy documents. Twenty policy/decision-maker interviews were conducted. Analysis of both policy and interview data reveal that, while areas of health and nutrition have been considered in policies and county level plans (coefficients >0.5), the domains of early learning, responsive caregiving and safety and security face significant policy and implementation gaps (coefficients ≤ 0.5), particularly for the 0-3 year age group. Inconsistencies were noted between county level implementation plans and national policies in areas such as support for children with disabilities and allocation of budget to early learning and nutrition domains. Conclusion: Findings indicate a strong focus on nutrition and health with limited coverage of responsive caregiving and opportunities for early learning domains. Therefore, if nurturing care goals are to be achieved in Kenya, policies are needed to support current gaps identified with urgent need for policies of minimum standards that provide support for improvements across all Nurturing Care Framework domains.
Mary Abboah‐Offei, Patrick Amboka, Margaret Nampijja et al.
Background: The period from 12 to 36 months represents a critical window for child development, yet the relationship between nurturing care practices and developmental outcomes during acute illness remains poorly understood. This study aimed to determine the relationship between maternal nurturing care practices and the developmental status of acutely ill children aged 12-36 months in Bantul Regency, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive-analytic study was conducted among 70 mother-child pairs recruited through consecutive sampling. Maternal nurturing care practices were assessed using a modified questionnaire adapted from UNICEF Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices tools. Child development was evaluated using the Indonesian Pre-Screening Development Questionnaire (KPSP). Maternal depression was measured using the Beck Depression Inventory-II. Data were analyzed using Fisher's exact test, with statistical significance set at p<0.05. Results: The majority of mothers (57.1%) demonstrated poor nurturing care practices, while 84.3% of acutely ill children showed age-appropriate development. Most mothers (80.0%) were aged 20-35 years, had secondary education (50.0%), and were not experiencing depression (68.6%). Fever was the most common acute illness (44.3%), with a median duration of 3 days. No statistically significant association was found between maternal nurturing care practices and child development status (p=0.331, OR=2.250, 95% CI: 0.543-9.330). Additionally, established developmental predictors including maternal education (p=0.745), family economic status (p=1.000), and maternal depression (p=0.873) showed no significant associations with developmental outcomes. Conclusion: These findings highlight the need for context-specific nurturing care assessment tools and longitudinal research designs to better understand the complex dynamics between caregiving practices, acute illness, and developmental outcomes in young children.
Amalina Batrisyia Agustin, Fitri Haryanti, Ika Parmawati et al.
BACKGROUND: Only recently have research and policy begun to shine a light on the magnifying effects of EWEs (Extreme Weather Events) on children's exposure to violence. However, the links between EWEs and VAC (Violence against Children) remain under-theorised, poorly understood and often unacknowledged in policy and practice. OBJECTIVE: Identify, synthesize and analyse available evidence on the central characteristics and factors influencing the relationship between VAC and EWEs. METHODS: We conducted an extensive scoping review of the literature (academic and grey) to identify existing research and gaps in knowledge. Using flexible and iteratively developed search terms enabled us to identify direct violence - physical, sexual and emotional - and structural violence, rooted in inequitable and unjust systems and institutions. RESULTS: The relationship between VAC and EWEs is linked to gender; climate-induced mobility or immobility; child labour; and health. We found that VAC can intensify during EWEs, but the nature of this relationship is contextually specific. The relationship between VAC and EWEs is rooted in historical injustices, global systems and structures, and therefore disproportionately affects those living in poverty. CONCLUSION: Studies have uncovered how increasing social, economic and emotional pressures following EWEs increase children's violence risk exposure. This may occur in their homes or in relief shelters. The violence may involve peers, or forms of hazardous labour that young people are compelled into because of the sudden need for families to rebuild or help make ends meet. More knowledge is needed to inform integrated, context-specific and culturally sensitive plans to better protect children from the consequences of EWEs.
Simone Datzberger, Lottie Howard‐Merrill, Colin Murray Parkes et al.
Violence against children (VAC) is recognized as a global public health problem (1). It encompasses all types of violence directed at individuals under 18 years of age, committed by parents, caregivers, peers, romantic partners, or strangers (2). VAC includes all forms of physical and emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect, or exploitation that may cause actual or potential harm to a child's health, development, and dignity. Most VAC encompasses at least one of the six primary forms of interpersonal violence: maltreatment, bullying, youth violence, sexual violence, and emotional or psychological violence (2).Maltreatment encompasses violent punishment and includes physical, sexual, and psychological/emotional violence, as well as neglect of infants, children, and adolescents by parents, caregivers, and other authority figures. Maltreatment occurs primarily in the home but also environments such as schools and orphanages (3). Bullying, encompassing cyberbullying, refers to unwanted aggressive conduct exhibited by an individual or group of individuals who are not siblings or romantically involved with the victim. It encompasses recurrent physical, psychological, or social harm and frequently occurs in schools and other environments where children congregate, including online (2). Youth violence predominantly affects individuals aged 10 to 29 years, frequently occurring in community environments among acquaintances and strangers. It encompasses bullying and physical assaults, which may involve weapons such as guns and knives, and can also include gang-related activities (4). Intimate partner violence, commonly known as domestic violence, encompasses physical, sexual, and emotional abuse perpetrated by an intimate partner or former partner. While males may also experience victimization, intimate partner violence predominantly impacts females. It frequently occurs among girls in child marriages and early or forced marriages (5).Sexual violence encompasses non-consensual completed or attempted sexual contact, as well as acts of a sexual nature that do not involve physical contact, including voyeurism and sexual harassment. It also includes acts of sexual trafficking against individuals unable to consent or refuse, along with online exploitation (3). Emotional or psychological violence consists of the restriction of a child's movements, denigration, ridicule, threats, intimidation, discrimination, rejection, and other non-physical forms of hostile treatment (2). Violence directed at individuals based on their biological sex or gender identity can be classified as gender-based violence (6).It is estimated that approximately one billion children aged two to 17 years worldwide have encountered physical, sexual, or emotional violence or neglect (7). A study in four sub-Saharan African countries found that 20-37% of girls encounter sexual violence, while 12-25% face physical violence before turning 18 years old (8). Ten percent of boys experience sexual violence, while 30 to 45 percent experience physical violence (8). Progress has been made in decreasing the incidence of child abuse in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). From 2010 to 2019 in Kenya, there was a reduction of over four million children subjected to sexual violence, a 21% decrease in the prevalence of physical violence among males, and a significant decline in emotional violence experienced by females at the hands of caregivers (9). In Eswatini, from 2007 to 2022, approximately 170,000 fewer children experienced sexual violence (9). Despite observed progress in the region, further efforts are required to guarantee that all children are free from any form of violence. In this perspective article, we highlight the health effects of VAC and its associated risk factors while proposing interventions that have demonstrated effectiveness in certain countries within SSA for preventing VAC. By underscoring the health implications of VAC, we aim to instill a sense of urgency among governments and nongovernmental organizations in SSA to address this issue. Additionally, identifying the risk factors associated with VAC may aid in developing targeted prevention programs. Stakeholders in SSA may consider prioritizing the suggested interventions, given their successful implementation in select countries.In this perspective article, we conducted a literature search to inform our understanding of VAC and its health impacts, focusing on Sub-Saharan Africa. Rather than a systematic or scoping review, the objective was to provide a comprehensive viewpoint supported by existing literature. We searched for peer-reviewed articles published in English between 2000 and 2024 using the Google Scholar, ScienceDirect, and PubMed databases. The terms employed for the literature search included 'violence against children,' 'health effects,' 'sub-Saharan Africa,' 'risk factors,' 'prevention strategies,' and all countries within SSA. Boolean operators 'AND' and 'OR' were employed to obtain articles containing both terms or either term. Wildcard and truncation symbols were used to broaden a search term, encompassing all variations of a root word. All full-text versions of articles that potentially offered relevant information regarding our objectives were obtained and assessed. The reference lists of all retrieved articles were examined for additional relevant articles not identified through database searches. Two authors (EM and PM) independently assessed the titles and abstracts of all identified articles and subsequently compared their findings. Discrepancies were addressed through discussion or adjudication by a third author (TD). Two authors independently retrieved relevant information from the selected studies and subsequently compared their findings before presenting them in narrative form.Violence against children results in both direct and indirect health consequences for the victims.Direct health effects can encompass severe injuries that may result in disability or mortality (2). Early exposure to violence can adversely affect brain development and harm various systems, including the nervous, endocrine, circulatory, musculoskeletal, reproductive, respiratory, and immune systems, leading to lifelong repercussions (10). VAC adversely impacts cognitive development, leading to educational and vocational underachievement (11).The indirect health effects of VAC arise from repeated exposure to or observation of violence, leading to heightened activation of neuroendocrine, autonomic, immunological, and neuropsychological systems. The activation leads to persistent stress in children, as indicated by elevated heart rate, hypervigilance, and cortisol levels (10). Chronic stress and fear can adversely affect mental health and coping mechanisms, leading to issues such as depression, substance abuse (12), suicide (13), impaired learning (11), socialization (14), and productivity (15). Stress reactions can become normalized, leading individuals to respond aggressively to others or interpret aggression in others even without a real threat. The enduring impacts of VAC on cognitive and psychosocial development encompass impaired attachment, failure to thrive, trauma, anxiety, depression, and antisocial and self-destructive behaviors (16). Self-destructive behavior can include risky sexual practices, leading to unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections (12). VAC is associated with the later development of noncommunicable diseases, including cardiovascular disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, and diabetes (17). VAC elevates the likelihood of revictimization or perpetration in the later stages of life. Research indicates that girls face a heightened risk of sexual assault and intimate partner violence, whereas boys are more frequently identified as perpetrators (18,19).Previous studies conducted in SSA identified several risk factors associated with VAC. These risk factors can be divided into individual, close-relationship, and societal factors. Risk factors at the individual level include age, being orphaned before the age of 13 years, experiencing emotional abuse before the age of 13 years (20), exposure to drugs, alcohol, crime, conflict, and disability (21). Conflicting evidence exists regarding the impact of age on VAC. One study in Zimbabwe identified older age as a risk factor for VAC (12), while another study in Burkina Faso reported younger age as a risk factor (21). Research indicates that younger children are more likely to encounter violent disciplinary practices both at home and in educational settings, in contrast to older adolescents who are not enrolled in school (21). The elevated risk of VAC among individuals with disabilities may stem from heightened parental stress, challenging parent-child dynamics, and familial conflict in households with a disabled child (22).Close-relationship factors include having lived with three or more families during childhood (20), sharing a household with a depressed individual (21), living in households without either parent (15), experiencing poor family relationships (12), the presence of adult illness in the home (12), having peer relationships (12), and encountering unsupportive teachers at school (12). The HIV epidemic in Africa has led to numerous parental deaths, resulting in a significant number of orphaned children. The deaths disintegrated family structures, potentially elucidating the correlation between VAC and having resided with three or more families during childhood, as non-parental caregivers may exhibit less tolerance towards children's behavior compared to biological parents (23). The presence of an ill adult in the household may contribute to frustrations that could result in violent behavior toward children. Teachers lacking compassion may deliberately cause physical pain to discourage undesirable behavior in students (12).Societal risk factors for VAC include increased exposure to community members engaged in substance abuse and criminal activities, as well as low family socioeconomic status (12,15). Individuals within the community who engage in substance use frequently exhibit intoxication, which can result in the abuse of children. Certain community members may introduce children to substance abuse, potentially leading to the children being subjected to abuse for displaying unacceptable behavior (15). Low socioeconomic status among parents or caregivers can contribute to stress and elevate the risk of VAC (12).The prevention of VAC necessitates a multifaceted strategy. Successful strategies across various contexts encompass the implementation and enforcement of laws, the establishment of norms and values, the creation of a safe environment, support from parents and caregivers, economic strengthening, provision of response and support services, and the promotion of education and life skills (24).Despite the established effectiveness of these strategies, several challenges persist in the implementation across SSA. One key challenge is governments' lack of political will and prioritization of child protection issues, often due to competing national priorities, political instability, or insufficient public awareness of VAC's long-term societal consequences. In many SSA countries, there is also inadequate institutional capacity and resources to enforce existing laws, which hampers their effectiveness in preventing violence against children. For example, while laws may criminalize child abuse, implementation remains weak due to inadequate infrastructure, poor law enforcement, and limited training of relevant personnel such as law enforcement and healthcare workers.Additionally, the establishment of norms and values that protect children is complicated by deep-rooted socio-cultural practices, such as corporal punishment being viewed as a standard disciplinary measure in many households. This cultural acceptance of violence makes it difficult for educational campaigns or laws to change behavior effectively. Efforts to create a safe environment are often stymied by inadequate community engagement and a lack of local ownership in child protection efforts. In some areas, communities may resist or remain unaware of the value of such strategies due to entrenched traditions, limited media coverage, or a lack of community-based programs that provide practical solutions.Laws may restrict violent punishment, criminalize the sexual abuse and exploitation of children, and regulate youth access to weapons (25). However, despite the existence of these laws, implementation remains inconsistent, particularly in rural and conflict-affected regions, where governmental oversight and judicial systems are weaker. In some countries, the focus on lawmaking has outpaced the resources required to ensure these laws are fully implemented and enforced. Furthermore, the low capacity of child protection systems often results in inadequate follow-up, leading to minimal impact on the ground.A secure home environment can mitigate VAC. A program conducted in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) aimed at enhancing overall family well-being and preventing violence, including intimate partner violence and harsh discipline towards children, resulted in a decrease in the application of physical and emotionally harsh discipline within the intervention group (26). The program focused on disseminating information regarding the causes and consequences of violence against women and children, as well as imparting skills in stress management, psychosocial support, and positive parenting strategies (26). However, such programs are not universally implemented, and many caregivers in SSA lack access to such resources due to geographic, economic, or logistical barriers. Moreover, socioeconomic stressors, such as poverty and unemployment, can undermine the effectiveness of familyoriented programs, making it more difficult for parents and caregivers to engage with and benefit from these interventions.Support for parents, children, and caregivers can be provided through various strategies. These include promoting responsive parenting, reducing family conflict, and enhancing caregivers' capabilities to access and navigate available resources (27). While these strategies have shown promise, many communities in SSA face significant barriers, such as low literacy levels, limited access to counseling, and a lack of support networks, which hinder the effectiveness of these interventions. A program implemented in Rwanda that utilized parent-child and caregiver support strategies resulted in enhanced parent-child relationships, diminished harsh discipline, and lowered levels of caregiver depression and anxiety (28). However, the scalability of such programs across SSA remains a challenge, as there is a lack of funding for nationwide implementation and cultural adaptability in different contexts.Additional strategies for supporting parents and caregivers include educating them about child development, informing them of the risks associated with physical punishment, raising awareness of non-violent disciplinary methods, and providing practical guidance for addressing child misbehavior (29). Despite these efforts, the widespread acceptance of corporal punishment and a lack of educational resources means that many parents are either unaware of the consequences of their actions or lack the skills to implement non-violent discipline effectively. A program in Nigeria aimed at decreasing reliance on corporal punishment and educating parents on effective child management techniques led to a decline in parental reports of physical violence in child training (30). Educating parents on effective communication with children, empathetic listening, establishing routines and household rules, self-care practices, and stress management strategies may reduce VAC (31). A study in Liberia focusing on diminishing harsh discipline, promoting positive parenting, and enhancing parent-child interactions achieved a nearly 56% reduction in caregiver-reported harsh punishment practices, an increase in positive behavior management strategies, and improved caregiver-child interactions (32).Strategies for income and economic strengthening aimed at reducing VAC in SSA include the formation of saving groups and training, provision of credit access to parents and youth at reasonable interest rates, livelihood planning training, provision of seed capital grants to initiate or expand livelihood activities, and individualized mentoring and coaching on livelihood development (25). A study in West Africa incorporating an economic intervention and family support component reported a decrease in harsh discipline, an increase in supportive parenting attitudes, improved child-parent relationship quality, and a reduced likelihood of children experiencing physical and emotional violence at home (33).Improving mental health and psychosocial outcomes is essential for reducing VAC among individuals who have experienced trauma. Strategies include psychoeducation, training in relaxation techniques, encouraging the identification of major family issues, conflict resolution training in communities, and effective parenting training (25). A study in the DRC providing a family-focused, psychosocial intervention to war-exposed youths demonstrated that those in the intervention group exhibited reduced post-traumatic stress symptoms at three months.Additionally, caregivers noted a moderate to considerable decrease in conduct problems among these youths (34).Enhancing essential life skills, including communication, relationship development, and awareness of gender-based violence and sexual and reproductive health, can contribute to the reduction of VAC (25). Life skills may also be provided to parents or caregivers, encompassing communication skills, education on recognizing violence and abuse, and strategies for supporting adolescent girls (27). A study in Ethiopia among Sudanese and South Sudanese refugees aimed at reducing gender-based violence and empowering adolescent girls in a humanitarian context found a decrease in reported child marriages within the intervention group (35) While life skills programs have had positive outcomes in some contexts, their reach remains limited, and many young people, especially in rural or conflict-affected areas, do not have access to such programs. Furthermore, gender norms and power dynamics in some SSA countries limit the effectiveness of these programs, particularly those aimed at empowering adolescent girls or addressing gender-based violence.In conclusion, despite evidence-based strategies for preventing VAC in SSA, significant gaps in implementation, cultural resistance, and limited resources continue to hinder the effectiveness of these strategies. To address these challenges, governments and NGOs must focus on designing interventions and building the institutional and community capacity to implement and sustain these strategies effectively. There is an urgent need for multi-sectoral approaches that integrate legal, cultural, social, and economic reforms to ensure the protection of children and the reduction of VAC.
Enos Moyo, Perseverance N Moyo, Hadrian Mangwana et al.
The addition of gamification to the classroom as a methodological tool means that the teacher’s opinion about this has become an inflection point that can affect its use or not in the classroom. In this sense, the main objective of the present article is to explore the opinion of future Early Childhood education teachers on the use of this resource for the development of the mathematics curriculum at this education stage and to obtain an explanatory model that explains it. The design of the study utilized a descriptive perspective and a cross-sectional quantitative focus through a quantitative exploratory study. For data collection, an ad hoc questionnaire was utilized, which was administered to a sample of 232 teachers-in-training. The main result obtained was that the future early childhood education professionals considered that gamification could be a resource for the learning of specific mathematics contents, and this was shaped around a model of two elements. On one hand, the development of mathematical thinking, and on the other, the establishment of relationships between mathematical concepts. Lastly, we can conclude that elements such as age or gender do not determine the perception of the use of gamification in the early childhood education classroom.
Verónica Marín Díaz, Begoña Esther Sampedro Requena, Juan Manuel Muñoz González et al.
